In January of this year, the second Trump administration was inaugurated. As seen in its declaration of withdrawal from the Paris Agreement, the return to fossil fuels indicating a rejection of previous climate change measures, the dismantling of USAID, the mass deportation of “undocumented immigrants,” the implementation of “Trump tariffs,” and the absence of references to “shared values,” the policies promoted under the banner of “America First” have intensified. As a result, Japan has been forced to reconsider its policy toward the United States.

Non-military domains such as economic and trade issues, immigration, climate change, the media, political and social division, and “universal values” such as the rule of law and democracy have all undergone drastic shifts in policy under the second Trump administration. These are all areas with a high potential to cause global disruption. By focusing on these “non-military aspects,” this project aims to clarify the individual challenges faced by Japan and the United States, identify points of commonality, propose new frameworks and programs for U.S.-Japan cooperation, and provide guidance for policymakers and practitioners. There is no doubt that this initiative will open up a new frontier in U.S.-Japan cooperation.

This project is set over a two-year research period. In the first year, which is the current fiscal year, Japan and U.S. members, drawing on their respective areas of expertise, identified the challenges that Japan and the United States face in the above-mentioned “non-military domains.” Through this process, they clarified points of commonality as well as differences in perception between the two countries, and identified areas and items where cooperation is possible.

After several rounds of online discussions, the project took advantage of the favorable timing following the U.S. presidential election in November and the inauguration of a new administration in Japan to invite the U.S. members to Tokyo and hold a research meeting with the full participation of both Japan and U.S. members. The meeting focused on a shared set of questions: What challenges are Japan and the United States facing, and how can the two countries cooperate in addressing them? Four thematic sessions were organized: “Economic Security, Trade, and Immigration Issues,” “Climate Change and Environmental Issues,” “Democracy, the Rule of Law, and Human Rights,” and “A Polarized Society: Media and Public Opinion.” In each session, Japan and U.S. members presented their perspectives and the specific themes they are addressing through this project. A number of key issues were raised during the discussions. These included the emergence of doubts among youth who are concerned about the situation in Gaza regarding the U.S. commitment to “the rule of law,” the possibility that polarized political reporting by the media in the U.S. is accelerating social division, and that public opinion polls may be overstating polarization and diverging from reality. Other issues included the re-politicization of trade triggered by the second Trump administration, and the expectation that climate change initiatives will likely progress at subnational levels, including through efforts by local governments and the private sector. At a public symposium held around the same time, which attracted attention due to its timing shortly after the presidential election, questions were raised about the second Trump administration’s tariff policies, its engagement in regional frameworks such IPEF, its approach to Asia policy, and the outlook for Japan-U.S. cooperation. In a separate roundtable with members of the National Diet and business leaders, discussions focused on the political and economic policies of the second Trump administration, especially the trajectory of technological supremacy, the future of the “small yard, high fence” policy in economic security, and how the U.S. will approach the shaping of the international order.

Building on the discussions held during the series of meetings in November, Japan and U.S. members began drafting papers that summarize the first year’s research findings. In March, members from both countries gathered at Wesleyan University in Connecticut, where Prof. Haddad is based, bringing their draft papers for a two-day closed-door meeting that also included external experts. The meeting took place about a month and a half after President Trump’s second inauguration, at a time when the direction of the new administration had begun to take shape. Compared to the previous meeting, this session offered a clearer view of the specific issues and areas in which Japan and the United States should work together.

In addition, members from Japan participated as guest speakers in Prof. Haddad’s class on Japanese politics, engaging in discussions with students. The students posed a wide range of questions, covering topics such as Japan’s domestic affairs, Japan-U.S. relations, and Japan’s ties with other Asian countries. Prof. Haddad noted that by hearing directly from Japanese experts, the students were able to intuitively grasp how U.S. actions toward China and Russia can have an impact on a geographically distant country like Japan. She emphasized the growing importance of fostering dialogue between Japan and U.S. members and the younger generation.

In addition to participating in the class, Prof. Haddad and the Japan members organized a Q&A session titled the “Colloquium on U.S.-Japan Relations,” which included students from Wesleyan University and was held in a format that allowed broader student participation. Together with the public symposium held the previous day on the same campus, the colloquium saw continuous, in-depth exchanges that filled the available time without pause. The questions raised covered a wide range of topics, including effective policies to attract foreign workers to Japan, commonalities in how “undocumented immigration” is treated in Japan and the United States, the impact of recent U.S. foreign policy toward Japan on Japan’s external relations, the development of democracy in postwar Japan and institutional changes in Japan-U.S. relations, the structure of Japan’s complex political and local government systems, the evolution of the 1955 System, changes in U.S. foreign policy within the Japan-U.S. relationship, and the influence of Japan’s cultural exports such as anime on Japan-South Korea relations.

Building on these discussions, commentaries authored by Japan and U.S. members were published. The outcomes of these contributions are available in the commentary section of the “Japan-U.S. Cooperation on Non-Military Aspects” project website.

The possibilities for Japan-U.S. cooperation from the perspective of “non-military aspects,” as revealed through these member commentaries, are as follows.

First, the project leader pointed out that changes in the United States in the area of “non-military domains” are not necessarily negative, and proposed a set of comprehensive shared challenges for Japan and the United States to turn the “Trump risk” into a “Trump opportunity.” It was noted that strengthening the Japan-U.S. relationship is possible by expanding efforts that address American dissatisfaction with being “taken advantage of by other countries.” The commentary emphasized the importance of reaffirming the reality that “there are no winners in a trade war born from tariff hikes,” and stressed the need to avoid the escalation of trade conflicts by actively involving other countries in cooperative frameworks. Even if the Trump administration abandons climate change efforts, it was argued that Japan should continue to engage in international coordination. Moreover, in response to the global challenge of disinformation on social media, it was suggested that Japan and the United States could make a meaningful contribution to the international community by working together to develop systems that ensure information accuracy.

Finally, it was pointed out that under the Trump administration, special attention must be paid to “wording.” Even when pursuing the same climate change measures, it may be necessary to rephrase terms such as “global warming” and “sustainable development” as “energy independence” or other expressions that the administration would find difficult to reject.

From the perspective of economic security, Prof. Suzuki emphasized that in today’s world, where interdependence has deepened and supply chains have expanded, cooperation among allied and friendly nations is essential to ensure the effectiveness of sanctions and to counter economic coercion. He pointed out that maintaining the credibility of alliances requires avoiding the politicization of issues and emotionally charged debates, and instead proceeding in a procedural manner at the working level. Even if agreements are limited or superficial, it is important to reach consensus and demonstrate a cooperative posture to the international community.

Assoc. Prof. Govella identified the enhancement of the resilience of undersea cable networks as an area where Japan and the United States share common interests and can collaborate. Specific areas for cooperation included improving resilience to disruptions through the expansion of undersea cable production and deployment, investing jointly in the production of cable-laying, maintenance, and repair vessels that are in short supply globally, and engaging in Japan-U.S. cooperation that involves other countries to effectively protect against both intentional and unintentional damage to cables. This would include sharing information and strengthening monitoring systems in response to evolving threats to cable infrastructure.

Dr. Cooper identified energy as the most promising area for economic deals between Japan and the United States under the second Trump administration. He presented options for Japan-U.S. cooperation to help compensate for the vulnerabilities in Japan’s energy supply routes from the Middle East via the Strait of Malacca and the South China Sea, and to establish a more reliable and resilient energy supply network. One such option is expanding Japan’s access to U.S. liquefied natural gas, including cooperation on the “Alaska LNG” project strongly promoted by President Trump and collaboration on the construction of offshore terminals. Another is the joint development of small modular reactors, which are more affordable and safer alternatives to the restart of large-scale nuclear reactors. Dr. Cooper noted that these initiatives have the potential to deliver both economic and security benefits.

On the issue of immigration, Assoc. Prof. Tezuka pointed out that despite differences in geographical conditions and public attitudes toward the entry of immigrants and refugees, Japan and the United States face a common challenge. This challenge involves the shift in what each society has come to accept as “normal,” a shift often triggered by specific events and one that can be used for excessive political mobilization. She also warned that in Japan, the rapid increase in the acceptance of foreign workers, which is progressing faster than public awareness can keep up with, may lead to a backlash not only against those who are undocumented but against foreigners in general.

On climate change and environmental issues, Prof. Obi pointed out that while a cultural war over renewable energy may emerge under the second Trump administration, the expansion and investment in renewable energy are progressing regardless of party affiliation, and the renewable energy industry is continuing to grow. She referred to initiatives such as “America All In,” the U.S. Climate Alliance, and the “Task Force on Climate-Related Financial Disclosures”, and emphasized that in the United States, a wide range of actors, including local governments and businesses, are advancing efforts to build a decarbonized society. Based on this, she expressed expectations for Japan-U.S. cooperation at a pluralistic level centered on non-state actors who are actively implementing decarbonization measures. Prof. Haddad introduced the efforts of the city of Lancaster in the United States and the town of Namie in Japan, noting that cooperation between local leaders, companies, schools, and residents is increasing at the state, prefectural, and municipal levels in both countries. She also commented on the importance of “wording” under the second Trump administration, analyzing that while the “Japan-U.S. Climate Partnership” may be renamed as the “Japan-U.S. Innovative Energy Partnership” or something similar, the essential substance of the partnership is likely to remain intact.

Finally, regarding the formation of an international order based on the “universal values” that Japan and the United States have built together, Mr. Szechenyi noted that although the prospects for strategic coordination under the Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) initiative remain uncertain, the fact that Secretary of State Rubio hosted a meeting of foreign ministers from the QUAD countries indicates continued interest in coordinating on issues such as economic security and the recovery of supply chains. At the same time, he pointed out that Japan faces the challenge of how to respond to a Trump administration that is reluctant to support the existing international order. He emphasized that Japan must find a path for Japan-U.S. cooperation that both maintains close ties with the United States and deepens regional cooperation, while also demonstrating leadership as a defender of international norms in order to help shape an international order that promotes stability and prosperity.

Assoc. Prof. Mimaki addressed the fact that the terms “rule of law” and “international order” were not included in the Japan-U.S. joint statement issued in February 2025. She argued that Japan must not abandon the idea of the Japan-U.S. relationship as an “alliance of values” grounded in shared principles. While recognizing the gap in values revealed during the Ishiba-Trump meeting, she emphasized that Japan should continue to engage with the United States, holding on to the expectations and hopes expressed by Prime Minister Kishida for American leadership.

On the topic of political and social division in Japan and the United States, Prof. Sracic focused on the current state of polarization in both societies and analyzed the problems inherent in public opinion surveys, particularly in the United States, as a resource for accurately understanding public attitudes toward each country. He specifically pointed out that “nonresponse bias,” which occurs when a large portion of the population does not participate in surveys, can undermine the reliability of the data. He also suggested that U.S. voters may be more polarized on foreign policy than public opinion polls currently indicate.

As outlined above, the first year of activities brought to light various challenges facing Japan and the United States in non-military domains, as well as potential areas for cooperation. In the second year, these insights will be further explored and refined into concrete policy proposals. As the second Trump administration advances its “America First” agenda, the importance of this research initiative for both governments cannot be overstated.